Schijn van partijdigheid bij benoeming rijksarchivaris

De Nationale ombudsman, Alex Brenninkmeijer, constateert in een vandaag uitgebracht rapport dat er sprake is geweest van schijn van partijdigheid bij de benoeming van de rijksarchivaris in 2007 door het Ministerie van Onderwijs, Cultuur en Wetenschap. Het ministerie heeft die indruk gewekt door het diplomavereiste in de vacaturetekst af te zwakken en door het moment waarop het ministerie de regelgeving op dit punt heeft aangepast.

De benoemingsprocedure voor een nieuwe rijksarchivaris heeft vorig jaar in de archiefwereld tot opschudding geleid. In mei 2007 heeft het Ministerie van OCW een vacature opengesteld voor de functie 'algemeen rijksarchivaris tevens directeur Nationaal Archief'. In strijd met de Archiefwet bleek een archiefdiploma in de vacaturetekst geen vereiste. Op dezelfde dag dat het ministerie de benoeming van een kandidaat bekend maakte, werd ook een wijziging gepubliceerd van het Statuut van het Nationaal Archief gepubliceerd in de Staatscourant. Deze wijziging maakte het mogelijk om iemand zonder diploma te benoemen als directeur, en niet tot rijksarchivaris. En zo gebeurde het ook. Zodra deze kandidaat het vereiste diploma behaald zou hebben, zou hij ook benoemd kunnen worden tot rijksarchivaris. De gang van zaken leidde tot een klacht bij de Nationale ombudsman.

Princess Christina uses tax loophole

Labour and Socialist Party MPs have criticised a member of the Dutch royal family for avoiding taxes by putting her money in an offshore tax haven, reports the Volkskrant.

Princess Christina, who is the sister of queen Beatrix but renounced her rights to the throne when she became a Catholic, is said to have inherited tens of millions of euros from her parents, queen mother Juliana and prince Bernhard.

The princess lives in London, but by putting money in a trust on the Channel Island of Guernsey avoids having to pay British taxes. The trust is managed from Paleis Noordeinde, the queen’s work palace in The Hague.

Although the Guernsey trust is not illegal in itself, MPs say Christina should act as a role model. ‘She should not be looking for financial loopholes to avoid paying the full amount of tax,’ the paper quotes Labour MP Diederik Samsom as saying.

Socialist MP Ronald van Raak has asked prime minister Jan Peter Balkenende to reveal if other royal family cash is also being put through tax havens.

© DutchNews.nl

Ursula den Tex - Erfgenamen

Echte mannen waren het, hoewel in hun stand de term ‘heren’ gebruikelijker was. Machtige mannen. Ze behoorden tot de kleine kring van families die generaties lang vooraanstaande posities bezetten in het Amsterdamse stadsbestuur, de magistratuur, de handel, en in de landelijke politiek. Ze woonden in de grootste grachtenhuizen en ’s zomers ging het naar de weelderige buitens in het Gooi.

Alle Coo’s waren overtuigd liberaal. Ze studeerden vanzelfsprekend rechten. De laatste drie Coo’s waren bovendien jonkheer. Dat was te danken aan de prestaties van Koo den Tex (1824-1882), die het tot burgemeester van Amsterdam bracht en in de adelstand werd verheven. Ursula den Tex noemt haar familie ‘Amsterdamse geldaristocratie’.

Natuurlijk, vrouwen waren er ook in deze familie. Maar ze speelden geen rol in het openbare leven. Ze baarden nazaten, bestierden het personeel en brachten kapitaal en goede connecties in. Dat ging eigenlijk vanzelf. De 19de-eeuwse Amsterdamse elite kwam bijeen op diners, danspartijen, huwelijksfeesten en in Felix Meritis, het genootschap van de gegoede burgerij. Zo vonden jonge mensen vanzelf de ‘juiste’ partner.

In de loop van de negentiende eeuw groeide het fortuin van de familie Den Tex. Om alle Co’s te onderscheiden duidt de schrijfster ze aan met hun beroep. Koo ‘de burgemeester’ was de zoon van ‘de professor’, de Amsterdamse hoogleraar Den Tex (1795-1854), een sobere intellectueel. Van diens zeven kinderen was Koo de lastigste. Hij was de eerste die flink fortuin maakte, allereerst door te trouwen met een rijke vrouw. Het burgemeesterschap verhinderde hem niet om in het Duitse Ruhrgebied, waar zijn vrouw een kasteel had geërfd, met succes te investeren in de staal- en kalksteenindustrie.

Coo den Tex (1854-1907), de grootvader van de schrijfster, kreeg met recht de naam ‘de bestuurder’. Dankzij het familiekapitaal kon hij zich helemaal wijden aan talloze bestuursfuncties en commissariaten. Een netwerker die veel invloed uitoefende.

Diens zoon Co (1889- 1964) kreeg geen bijnaam van de schrijfster – hij is haar vader. Hij had ‘de militair’ kunnen heten, want hij was dol op wapens, cavalerie en marcherende regimenten. Hij trouwde met Anna baronesse Bentinck, werd burgemeester van Bloemendaal en kreeg drie dochters. Geen zoon, tot zijn spijt, zodat de rij van Co’s abrupt werd beëindigd.

De jongste, Ursula , werd geboren in 1933. Zij brak met veel familietradities. In de jaren zestig ging zij werken voor de PvdA; daarna werd ze journaliste bij Vrij Nederland. Na haar pensionering begon zij zich meer en meer te interesseren voor haar familiegeschiedenis. Ze schreef het levensverhaal van haar moeder, Anna baronesse Bentinck 1902-1989 (2003), en nu het verhaal van de vier generaties invloedrijke Den Tex-mannen. Zo werd zij, de schrijfster, de eerste vrouwelijke nazaat die ‘handelingsbekwaam’ was en in de openbaarheid trad, de hoedster van de familiegeschiedenis: ‘Vrouwen zijn niet alleen degenen die het leven doorgeven, zij zijn er in het algemeen ook beter in om het te handhaven, met weinig drama en volhardend.’ Volharding is zeker een eigenschap van déze Den Tex. Vele maanden moet zij hebben doorgebracht in het Amsterdamse Stadsarchief en de Universiteitsbibliotheek. Zij vond persoonlijke brieven, zakenbrieven, dagboeken, kinderbriefjes, officiële stukken, en vele meters dagboek van haar vader. Zo reconstrueerde zij de geschiedenis van haar familie, die sterk verweven is met de ‘grote’ geschiedenis, die van industrialisatie en (de)kolonisatie, twee wereldoorlogen en een economische crisis. Het opkomende socialisme zou goeddeels een einde maken aan bestuurlijke almacht van mannen als de Den Tex’en.

Over die grote geschiedenis en die van deze familie komen we in dit uitstekend gedocumenteerde en prettig geschreven boek veel te weten. Toch zijn de eerste hoofdstukken rommelig en verwarrend. Het ‘verhaal’ dat in de ondertitel wordt beloofd, komt niet van de grond. Dat komt misschien doordat de schrijfster veel bladzijden kwijt is aan het uitleggen wie nu wie is, en over welke bronnen ze beschikt. Daardoor lijken de eerste hoofdstukken van dit chronologisch geordende verhaal eerder op het commentaar bij bronnen. Soms wordt de inhoud van een hele doos even samengevat, ook als deze documenten ‘miniem feitelijke notities over gebeurtenissen van alledag’ bevatten. Alsof wij per se overal getuige van moeten zijn en de schrijfster ons vooral niet wil uitleveren aan haar verbeelding.

Die ordenende schrijfster zit haar verhaal aanvankelijk hinderlijk in de weg. Als lezer weet je te weinig van de ‘ik’ die je aan het werk ziet, om nieuwsgierig met haar mee te zoeken. Je weet nog niet wat de familieband voor haar betekent. Pas aan eind van het boek valt alles op zijn plaats. Naarmate we de twintigste eeuw naderen, wordt deze geschiedenis meeslepender. De personages krijgen gezichten, hebbelijkheden, een karakter. De mannen en vrouwen die de schrijfster als klein meisje aanstaarden vanaf hun schilderijen, komen tot leven.

De laatste delen zijn schitterend. Den Tex vertelt daarin over haar eigen vader. Het is een schrijnend portret, van een man die nooit werd die hij had willen zijn: een huzaar, een dapper militair, een koelbloedig leider – een ideale man volgens Kipling, zijn lievelingsschrijver. Zo dapper was hij niet. Hij was een conservatieve liberaal, die alles wat ‘rood’ was levensbedreigend achtte, maar zelf in de jaren dertig dweepte met het fascisme. Die burgemeester van Amsterdam had willen worden, maar in Bloemendaal bleef hangen, waar hij een Burgerwacht opzette. Tijdens de oorlog was hij lid van de Ordedienst – reden waarom hij twee jaar in een kamp in Sint- Michielsgestel werd vastgezet. Een lastige vader, op wie de dochter niettemin ‘verliefd’ was.

Het is jammer dat dit boek niet andersom geschreven is: beginnend bij dit portret, het spoor terugvolgend. Wel maakt het benieuwd naar het vervolg: hoe de adellijke burgemeestersdochter, opgegroeid tussen pistolen, stallen en schilderijen, zich staande hield tussen de losgeslagen meisjes en jongens van Vrij Nederland.

Bron: De Volkskrant

Heerlijkheden in Nederland

Welke namen van heerlijkheden worden nog gevoerd sinds 1848?

C.E.G. ten Houte de Lange,
m.m.v. V.A.M. van der Burg

ISBN 9789087040802
geïllustreerd (deels in kleur)

In vroeger tijden werd het land niet alleen bestuurd door plaatselijke, regionale en landelijke overheden, maar werd een deel van de bestuurlijke, wetgevende en rechterlijke macht uitgeoefend door particulieren. De gebieden waarvoor dit gold, worden heerlijkheden genoemd. De wortels van dit systeem zijn gelegen in het middeleeuwse leenstelsel. De vorst gaf een deel van zijn bestuurlijke en juridische bevoegdheid in leen aan een leenman, die in ruil daarvoor bepaalde diensten moest verrichten. Langzamerhand kregen deze lenen het karakter van eigendom. De Grondwet van 1848 maakte een einde aan het verschijnsel dat bevoegdheden van lokale overheden in particuliere handen waren. Dit boek beschrijft de ontwikkeling van de heerlijke rechten door de eeuwen heen. De toegevoegde lijst van heerlijkheden beoogt enig inzicht te geven in de ligging van de heerlijkheden en de eigenaren.

Bestellen mogelijk via bol.com

Long-awaited study by S.A.C. Dudok van Heel published of Amsterdam patriciate

In October the first two volumes of Sebastian Dudok van Heel's long-awaited book on the Amsterdam patriciate became available. This study is illustrated with over a thousand Dutch portraits, many of which are newly identified. The book covers the genealogical and biographical details of all descendants of Claes Heijn Claesznszn (ca. 1400-1800). Claes Heijn Claesznszn is one of Amsterdam's first known burgomasters and ancestor of virtually all major Amsterdam patrician families.

Book announcement
Van Amsterdamse burgers tot Europese aristocraten: de Heijnen maagschap 1400-1800, hun geschiedenis en hun portretten

S.A.C. Dudok van Heel
Monograph and genealogical study
2 vols., 1134 pp., 1200 illustrations
The Hague (Koninklijk Nederlandsch Genootschap voor Geslacht- en Wapenkunde; Royal Netherlands Society for Genealogy and Heraldry) 2008
ISBN 978-90-805689-5-2
International distribution via www.erasmusbooks.nl or erasmus@erasmusbooks.nl

The book is more than a reference work to trace ancestors or Amsterdam patricians. The huge illustrated dataset is prefaced by six chapters that deal with specific topics of Amsterdam history that Van Heel derived from the dataset. Among the subjects treated are the rise of the ruling Heijnen and Boelen clan before the alteration of 1578; and the position of the Catholic descendants of the clan who after 1578 could no longer fill public office. This group, which appears to be tremendously rich, had not yet been the subject of a thorough study.

Historian Van Heel shows that genealogy is the key discipline for complex historical research into elites and the provenance of art works. Only exhaustive genealogical research can reveal the connections and interdependencies between the Protestant and Catholic branches of a clan and illuminate family ties in a society that was not yet dominated by patrilineal relations. A complete overview of all the descendants of a given individual facilitates the analysis of social rise and fall. A striking result of this study is that it shows most of the offspring to have remained quite wealthy. The clan members were spread over the Netherlands and the rest of northwest Europe, often due to marriage into the nobility. This pattern is expressed in the title of the book: From Amsterdam burghers to European aristocrats.

Outward marks of the process of aristocratization are status symbols such as portraits, coats of arms, houses and country estates. Dudok van Heel focusses in this book on portraits, which form the vast majority of the circa 1200 illustrations. As a consequence, the book provides a representative sample of Dutch portraiture after 1500. Many of the sitters were newly identified by the author. A large number of the illustrated portraits are privately owned and have not been published before.

The influence of Claes Heijn Claesznszn's descendants of on Dutch culture was undeniably significant. Their portraits, usually by famous painters, can be seen in museums all over the world. Their canal houses still dominate the Amsterdam townscape, while their country estates help determine the current historico-cultural scenery of the Netherlands. They figure prominently in public archives, while many of their possessions are still in the family.

this new study by Bas Dudok van Heel will be of keen interest to any student of Amsterdam history, Dutch elite studies and Dutch portraiture.

Erminegate: police called to examine corruption allegations in House of Lords

The Metropolitan police will today be urged to investigate whether two Labour peers broke the law after allegedly indicating to undercover reporters that they had used their influence to help to amend legislation in exchange for payments.

As the government admitted that the peers were facing "very grim" allegations, the Liberal Democrat home affairs spokesman, Chris Huhne, said he would write to the police today to ask them to investigate whether bribery offences had been committed.

"If these allegations are confirmed, they are not merely a breach of the Lords' rules, but are surely also against the law on corrupt practices," Huhne said.

He intervened after the Sunday Times reported that Lord Taylor of Blackburn and Lord Truscott had admitted influencing legislation on behalf of clients. Their alleged comments were made to undercover reporters who claimed two other peers - Lords Moonie and Snape - were also allegedly willing to use their influence. All four peers deny wrongdoing.

The newspaper approached the four peers to ask them to help a fictitious Hong Kong businessman who was worried that the business rate and supplements bill would impose extra taxes on his business. The businessman was supposedly setting up 30 retail outlets across Britain. The newspaper reported that:

• Lord Taylor of Blackburn, a former BAE consultant, allegedly admitted that he had once helped to change the law on behalf of a client. The peer allegedly offered to conduct a "behind the scenes" campaign on behalf of the fictitious businessman to persuade ministers and officials. A £120,000 retainer was discussed. Taylor allegedly said: "I will work within the rules, but the rules are meant to be bent sometimes."

• Lord Truscott, a former energy minister, allegedly said he had helped an energy client worried about the energy bill. Truscott, who discussed a £72,000 fee, said he had to be a "bit careful" and could not table any amendments himself. He told the undercover reporters: "I can work with you over it ... identifying people and following it ... meeting people, talking to people to facilitate the amendment and making sure the thing is granted."

• Lord Moonie, a former defence minister, allegedly offered, in return for an annual fee of £30,000, to contact John Healey, the local government minister and to identify people who could amend the legislation;

• Lord Snape, a former government whip, allegedly offered to help for a fee of up to £24,000 a year. "Depending on who is on the Commons committee, if I had a chat I could see if I could get them to table an amendment in committee," he said.

Baroness Royall, the leader of the Lords, said she would look into the matter and she expected the cross-party Committee on Lords' Interests to conduct an investigation. She told BBC1's Andrew Marr Show: "These people were entrapped. If it is true, it is a very grim picture, but we do have to look into the details carefully. I am concerned that everybody's side of the story should be heard."

The House of Lords code of conduct states that peers "must never accept any financial inducement as an incentive or reward for exercising parliamentary influence". Sir Christopher Kelly, the chairman of the Westminster sleaze watchdog the Committee on Standards in Public Life, said: "The allegations made are serious."

Lord Taylor said he had been approached by two people claiming to work for a lobbying firm who offered to take him on as an adviser at a fee of between £5,000 to £10,000 a month. "It was their suggestion, not my suggestion," he said. "I never said I would accept it."

Lord Moonie said he had an "informal conversation" about advising the lobbyists, but had not signed any contract. He told the Press Association: "Nobody in their right mind would offer direct help in making an amendment. But there is no reason why you shouldn't offer people advice in how you go about it."

Yesterday's report revived memories of the cash-for-questions saga which prompted allegations that John Major's government was tainted by sleaze. But Labour will point out that there are major differences: the four peers were entrapped by the Sunday Times and no money changed hands with the fictitious lobbyists.

If found guilty, the peers could be censured on the floor of the Lords and be stripped of the Labour whip. An act of parliament would have to be passed to strip them of their peerages.

The accused
• Lord Taylor of Blackburn, 79, was created a peer in 1978 by the then Labour prime minister, Jim Callaghan. A former BAE consultant, Taylor is close to Jack Straw, the justice secretary who has been MP for Blackburn since 1979. Taylor apologised last year for asking a question in the Lords without declaring its relevance to a client.

• Lord Truscott, 49, was created a peer in 2004 after serving as a Labour MEP from 1994-99. An expert on Russia, who has written a biography of Vladimir Putin, Truscott served as an energy minister from 2006-07.

• Lord Moonie, 61, was created a peer in 2005 reportedly after giving up his Commons seat so his friend Gordon Brown could keep his in a boundary change. An affable and popular figure at Westminster, Moonie was a clinical pharmacologist before becoming MP for Kirkcaldy in 1987. He served as defence minister from 2000-03.

• Lord Snape, 66, was appointed a peer in 2004 after standing down as Labour MP for West Bromwich East in 2001 after 27 years in the House. A former British railways signalman, Snape served as a government whip under Harold Wilson and Callaghan.

Source: The Guardian


No criminal charges for peers in sleaze row

Labour peers who allegedly agreed to accept fees in return for attempting to amend the law will not be subjected to a criminal investigation, Scotland Yard said today.

The Metropolitan Police was asked to investigate allegations of corruption against Lord Taylor of Blackburn and Lord Truscott of St James's after The Sunday Times recorded and filmed them discussing payments with undercover reporters.

Assistant Commissioner John Yates, who led the cash-for-honours investigation, met Baroness Royall of Blaisdon to discuss the issues and how his officers would go about their work.

The Met stressed that it was not investigating the peers but reviewing the allegations and the material to determine whether they merited a full criminal inquiry. Detectives also consulted with the Crown Prosecution Service which provided legal advice on the potential for a successful prosecution.

The Times understands that both police and prosecutors felt the case was hampered by the likelihood that the journalists could be accused of entrapment. Police were also advised that any statements made by the peers in the House of Lords could not be used against them in court because of parliamentary privilege.

A police spokesman said: "In summary, the application of the criminal law to members of the House of Lords in the circumstances that have arisen here is far from clear. In addition, there are very clear difficulties in gathering and adducing evidence in these circumstances in the context of Parliamentary Privilege.

"These factors, when set alongside the preliminary examination, lead us to the decision that the Metropolitan Police will not undertake a criminal inquiry into any of the allegations raised. Should any further evidence or information come to light then clearly we will be under a duty to review this decision."

According to The Sunday Times, whose reporters posed as lobbyists for a foreign company setting up a chain of shops in Britain, four peers — Lord Taylor; Lord Truscott, a former Energy Minister; Lord Moonie, a former Defence Minister; and Lord Snape, a former government whip — indicated that they were ready to help for money. All four deny that they have broken any rules.

The Met said it had looked at the issues concerning Lord Taylor and Lord Truscott in relation to the offences of bribery and misconduct in a public office.

Chris Huhne, the Liberal Democrat Home Affairs Spokesman who referred the matter to the police, said: “I can understand the difficulties facing the police given the unreformed and unclear state of the law on bribery, which is subject to recent reform proposals from the Law Commission. However, this is a disappointing decision because it is simply false to say that internal procedures will be able to deal with these cases given that there is not even a mechanism for expelling miscreants."

Ken Clarke, the Shadow Business Secretary, said that if the allegations were proven they amounted to offences of corruption.

The case is the latest in a series involving politicians which have been examined by police but not resulted in any charges.

Peter Hain, the former Cabinet minister, was investigated over the late declaration of donations to his Labour deputy leadership campaign. It was announced in December that there was insufficient evidence to prosecute him but he was later criticised by the Commons Standards and Privileges Committee for "serious and substantial" failures.

In March last year the Met announced that it would not conduct an investigation into Derek Conway, the Conservative MP who used his parliamentary allowances to pay members of his family. Scotland Yard said at the time that "the lack of systems to account for MPs expenses would severely undermine the viability of any criminal investigation leading to a prosecution".

Two other police inquiries into political life are still ongoing. Scotland Yard is still investigating the case against Damian Green, the Conservative frontbencher arrested during an investigation into Home Office leaks. The CPS is reviewing police files in the case of David Abrahams, the property developer who routed £650,000 of donations to the Labour Party through friends and associates.

Source: Times online

Valkyrie

Valkyrie is a 2008 historical thriller film set in Nazi Germany during World War II that depicts the July 20, 1944 plot by German army officers to assassinate Adolf Hitler. The United Artists film was directed by Bryan Singer and written by Christopher McQuarrie. The film marked a re-teaming of Singer and frequent collaborator McQuarrie, who had also made World War II home movies together as children. When Singer sought a smaller project after completing Superman Returns in 2006, he learned of McQuarrie's script, which the screenwriter had begun after visiting Berlin and learning of the plot in 2002.

Tom Cruise appears as Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg, one of the key plotters. Bill Nighy, Eddie Izzard, Terence Stamp and Tom Wilkinson also feature. Cruise's casting caused controversy among German politicians and members of von Stauffenberg's family because of the actor's practice of Scientology, which is considered a totalitarian organization in the country. German newspapers and filmmakers supported the film to spread global awareness of von Stauffenberg's plot. The filmmakers initially had difficulty setting up filming locations in Germany due to the controversy, but they were later given leeway to film in locations pertaining to the film's story, such as Berlin's historic Bendlerblock.